I grew up part Jewish.     It was hard not to if you lived in a New Deal family where your     father was involved in things like starting Americans for Democratic     Action. My own introduction to politics came as a pre-teen stuffing     envelopes for the local ADA director Leon Shull as he helped     organize the removal of Philadelphia's 69-year-old Republican     machine. Shull was one of those who early convinced me that there     were three branches of Judaism: your Orthodox, your Reform and     your Liberal Democratic, with the last clearly the most powerful.     I was certain that Jews were put on this earth to run labor unions     and win elections for the good guys.
If you think I'm     kidding, consider this: for many years we lived across the street     from a prominent activist couple - she black, he Jewish. One     day one of their sons came over and slumped at our kitchen table.     "What's the matter?" asked my wife. "I had a terrible     night," the boy explained. "I dreamt I was Jacob Javits."     He had already learned to fear becoming a Jewish Republican.
Although I knew     Jews went to synagogue, I wasn't all that impressed. After all,     as my friend Peter Temin was going to Hebrew school on Saturdays,     I got to go to the Henry Glass music store and take drum lessons,     clearly the better deal. During the week we went to a Quaker     school where perhaps a quarter of the students were Jewish and     nobody thought it odd. The tradition continues. The joke about     Washington's Sidwell Friends School is that it is a place where     Episcopalians teach Jews how to act like Quakers.
Much later I would     figure out what Quakerism and Judaism had in common: a blend     of individualism, pragmatism, and responsibility, with a particular     emphasis on the last. You didn't come into the world pre-ordained     and your primary goal wasn't to leave it saved; what really mattered     is what you did in the meantime.
For much of my life,     what I have done and what I have thought have been deeply influenced     by existential Judaism and its practitioners. I can't even begin     to count the number of times I have come across Jews in the lonely     corners of hope trying to do what others, through lack of interest     or courage, would not.
But a number of     things have happened since I was first introduced to Judaism.     The direct ties to the often radical Jewish immigrant tradition     began to fade. The offspring of the immigrants became wealthier     and less involved. America of whatever ethnicity began paying     less attention to others and more to itself.
As I put it once,     "The great 20th century social movements [were] successful     enough to create their own old boy and girl networks, powerful     enough to enter the Chevy Chase Club, and indifferent enough     to ignore those left behind. The minority elites had joined the     Yankee and the Southern aristocrat and the rest of God's frozen     people to form the largest, most prosperous, and most narcissistic     intelligentsia in our history. But as the best and brightest     drove around town in their Range Rovers, who would speak for     those who were still, in Bill Mauldin's phrase, fugitives from     the law of averages? The work of witness remained."
A whole history     began to disappear. A part of the story was told by journalist     Paul S. Green in his memoir, From the Streets of Brooklyn to     the War in Europe. He notes that by the dawn of the 20th century
"Jewish youth     in Poland grew more and more impatient with the narrow focus     of their lives. They were determined to take part in the opportunities     opening up around them - exciting new developments in science,     the arts, in social relationships. This brought them into conflict     with their parents and grandparents. In seeking a different way     of life, they began to do the unthinkable - to reject the strict     age-old Orthodoxy of their ancestors. "
Out of this grew     several new movements, one of which, Zionism, looked towards     retrieving a Jewish nation. Others were socialist, ranging from     hard-core Bolshevik to the Bund, which Green describes as
"An organization     of free-thinking Jewish youth who whole-heartedly embraced Yiddish     culture and a Yiddish life that completely rejected traditional     religion. The Bundists believed that only a socialist government     - evolutionary rather than revolutionary - could hope to bring     together all peoples of whatever origin and outlaw racial and     religious conflict, with all men becoming brothers, thereby bringing     an end to anti-Semitism and pogroms."
And so we find,     not too many years later, the New York City Jewish cigar-makers     each contributing a small sum to hire a man to sit with them     as they worked - reading aloud the classic works of Yiddish literature.     And the leader of the New York cigar-makers, Samuel Gompers,     became the first president of the American Federation of Labor.
Green's own family     joined the rebellion:
"In embracing     the principles of free-thinking non-religious belief, my parents     had made a profound break with the past. The generation gap with     their own parents was unbelievably deep. They had been born and     brought up in a world that brooked no deviation. . . They were     turning their backs on the fearsome God of their forefathers     who had ruled Jewish lives for thousands of years. . . They realized     that maintaining their beliefs set them apart from the mainstream     of Jewish life, but the fact that they were a small minority     did not bother them. "
They became part     of a Jewish tradition that profoundly shaped the politics, social     conscience, and cultural course of 20th century America. It helped     to create the organizations, causes, and values that built this     country's social democracy. While Protestants and Irish Catholics     controlled the institutions of politics, the ideas of modern     social democracy disproportionately came from native populists     and immigrant socialists, heavily Jewish.
It is certainly     impossible to imagine liberalism, the civil rights movement,     or the Vietnam protests without the Jewish left. There is, in     fact, no greater parable of the potential power of a conscious,     conscientious minority than the influence of secular Jews on     20th century modern American politics.
Sadly, however,     social and economic progress inevitably produced a dilution of     passion for justice and change not just among Jews but within     the entire post-liberal elite. And, in many ways, Israel became     the icon that replaced the cause of social justice. This is not     to say that the two are antithetical. That certainly wasn't the     case when I was younger. But as Jewish rhetoric and politics     became increasingly in the hands of powerful conservative interests,     an iconic, unexamined Israel began to serve Jews much as an absurdly     trivialized Jesus has been used by the powerful conservative     Christian interests to serve their ends. And other things just     got forgotten.
Just as it is important     for Americans not to define their country's past by the tragic     distortions of the past quarter century, it is important for     Jews not to be misled by a powerful right wing's reduction of     Judaism to the goals of a deeply misguided and militaristic nation.
The fact is both     America and Israel have badly damaged themselves through grandiosity,     arrogance and narcissism. Beyond that is a truth few want to     admit: no culture, no ethnicity, no value system can exist in     a vacuum any more. This is not the fault of terrorists or anti-Semites.     It's the result of television and multinational corporations     that have usurped the role of culture, values and ethnicities.     Add to that Israel's demographic trends and you've got a problem     that AIPAC and Abe Foxman can't help you with in the slightest.
The answer, to the     extent there still is one for the human species, is to be found     in honest, personal witness. You can't save Christianity with     hypocrisy and you can't save Judaism with missiles. What might     work, however, is to reach back into the past of one's own culture     or ethnicity and find examples of actions and behaviors that     produced positive change. Neither Christians nor Jews have always     been as absurdly self-destructive as they are today. And before     they offer any more dangerous directions for dealing with today's     problems, they need to rediscover their own good paths.
It is along such     paths - and not on battlefields - that faith is solidified, admiration     is encouraged, and loyalty is attracted. And along the way you     may even pick up some unorthodox stragglers like me.
 
